Knowledge and Perception of Dalihan Na Tolu Among Batak Settlers in Jakarta

| ABSTRACT Dalihan Na Tolu is a philosophy of life of Batak ethnic which is believed to maintain the regularity of social life in the community and family of Bataks. Dalihan Na Tolu sets the form of addressing, position, and attitude, which applicated in traditional ceremonies and everyday life. In the middle of the swift currents of globalization at this time, there is concern about the erosion of local wisdom of traditional culture, including philosophy of life that has been believed for a long time, especially in families who live in a metropolis where infiltration or mixing of cultures is very dynamic and robust. This research was conducted to reveal how Bataks people in metropolis city perceive the values of Dalihan Na Tolu. The study shows that among Batak settlers in Jakarta, the value of Dalihan Na Tolu is still understood, accepted, and highly appreciated, although in the different breadth of knowledge and depth of meaning. Several factors influence those differences, i.e., the origin of the sub-ethnic, profession, intercommunication intensity among Batak's community, and position in the family. The results also concluded that the childhood environment significantly influences the internalization of cultural values.


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The solidarity in the Batak community manifests public awareness to maintain peace and harmony in carrying out social relations.
Dalihan Na Tolu's philosophy is a principle of life that can penetrate religious barriers or beliefs of different Batak ethnic groups. In the brotherhood of fellow Batak tribes, most are Christians, and some are Muslims. Some follow the Malim religion (followers are usually called Parmalim) and adherents of animism beliefs (Pelebegu or Parbegu). However, the number of followers of Parmalim and Pelebegu has been decreasing. Even so, in interacting, Batak people usually choose the Dalihan Na Tolu philosophy, which is put forward as the primary reference without going outside the limits of the creed of each religion.
Kinship relations among the Batak people are based on their clan background (both from the father and mother and other families), adapted to the philosophy of Dalihan Na Tolu (Sihombing, 1986, p. 103). The kinship framework in Dalihan Na Tolu includes kin relations based on blood ancestry and marriage, which binds one another into a unified group.
To the letter, Dalihan means a stone stove to put a cauldron in the hearth, while tolu means three (number 3). Thus, Dalihan Na Tolu can be interpreted as a three-legged stove (three-legged stove), which has a figurative meaning as a figurative symbol regarding the rules and life attitudes of the Batak people in their daily social relationships. Dalihan Na Tolu is a symbol of the social system of the Batak community, which consists of three pillars, namely, Hula-hula, Dongan Sabutuha, and Boru. (Adonis and Waluyo, 1993, p. 43).
1. Hula-hula (girl giving party) is a relative from the wife's side. Hula-hula is likened to "Mataniari Binsar." It means giving light to live in any or all activities so that it must always be respected. The source of "Sahala" for boru who wants to ask for "pasu-pasu" or blessings, which includes hula-hula not only the in-laws but also "bona ni ari," i.e., the grandmother's (grandfather's wife) origin five levels or more like a bone, namely the mother's brother, Etc.
2. Dongan Sabutuha (friends of the family/from the same clan with the same last name), namely family members who share the same lineage in a genealogical (patrilineal) patrilineal relationship. According to the father's line, this kinship is a solid foundation for the Batak community, consisting of clans and sub-clans related. 3. Boru (the recipient of the girl) is a relative of the husband's side, including her parents and their descendants, such as namboru (aunt) and amangboru (uncle).
The ancestors made this Dalihan Na Tolu of the Batak tribe a philosophy of life for the people in the kinship between fellow relatives, hula-hula, and boru. The Batak people believe that there needs to be a perfect balance in the order of life among the three elements of Dalihan Na Tolu. For example, if one leg of the stove is longer or shorter than the other or only has one/two legs, the stove will limp and fall. Similarly, in the life of brothers and sisters among the Batak tribe daily. By balancing the three elements of Dalihan Na Tolu, namely hula-hula, dongan sabutuha, and boru, it is believed that the life of the Batak brothers will always stand firm and harmonious.
The socialization of Batak cultural values that lasts a lifetime is a process of forming the distinctive identity of the Batak people. Since childhood, the Batak people are continually educated to have, enjoy, and maintain an intimate and warm relationship with people, relatives, and close relatives. Thus, the Batak people feel happiness and a sense of security when they have their loved ones. (Parsadaan Harahap, 1993, p. 85) The elaboration and implementation of these three attitudes are outlined in the partuturan or kinship system of the Batak community. Partuturan has outlined the identification of a person based on his function. It has determined the form of addressing that will be used. The kinship system also determines the level and manners in kinship. (Pangaribuan, 2012, p. 60) In Dalihan Na Tolu, a person will not remain in the function of his position. However, it can change depending on the situation or who is faced or hosted in an event. A person can function as a hula-hula one time, but other times he can be a Boru, or a Dongan Sabutuha, depending on the situation and who is being faced. Thus everyone has or bears these three functions and is attached to him. The three positions constantly change in each regular or daily activity and depending on the activity owner. However, only one of these functions is displayed at certain times and situations. Thus, everyone in Dalihan Na Tolu has a trifunctional. As a consequence, everyone is required to have the ability to distinguish (sense of distinction) and the ability to adjust (sense of adaptation) his tri-function in every opportunity. (Pangaribuan, 2012, p. 60-61) The Dalihan Na Tolu principle is used as the basic concept of Batak culture both in the hometown or village or overseas (Harahap, 1987, p. 51). However, amid the swift currents of globalization in the current era, there is concern that traditional culture will be eroded. Including cultural values or life philosophy that is believed. Especially for families who do not live in the area of origin of their ancestors. The reason for choosing Jakarta is that Jakarta is a metro city, so cultural infiltration or mixing of cultures is very dynamic and robust. This city has all kinds of complementary and contradictory things, and society's heterogeneity is relatively high. The cultural customs of the tribes of origin of their ancestors do not seem to be paid much attention to people with urban life.
Interestingly, people who still apply the Dalihan Na Tolu values are very proud, happy, and consistent in implementing them. Of course, these values can only be realized if those who communicate are fellow Batak people. Including the Batak people that the researchers met in Jakarta, even though they know little, due to the habits passed down by their parents, they are not ashamed to show their pride in front of fellow Batak people and in a social environment that is not all Batak.
A person's experience is always aware of something, seeing something, remembering something, and judging something from a phenomenological perspective. Fascinating to examine in this research, it is Dalihan Na Tolu itself which is the object of consciousness that has been stimulated by the perception of a real object or through the act of remembering or creativity (Smith, 2009, p. 12).
In phenomenology, the most prominent is the self, which is how a person thinks, sees, interprets, and behaves according to what he sees, hears, experiences, and feels about something. Batak people overseas, especially in Jakarta, proved more or less not to forget the philosophy of life of the tribe. Moreover, they lived in a village as a child who was very thick with traditional behavior, and they still uphold and apply it consciously until now they are far from their hometown.
It is essential to research the meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu values in nomad Batak people to understand how a positive cultural value that has existed for a long time can survive until now in a different era. The research method used is qualitative with a phenomenological approach to explore maximum results. Researchers use phenomenological studies to reveal subjective experiences or phenomenological experiences of today's Batak families when interacting with their communication partners, both with their partners and children or even with relatives in their extended family.
A community institution was created with various communication processes carried out by the Batak people. Berger and Luckman in Bungin (2001, p. 5) say that community institutions are created and maintained or changed through human action and interaction. Although society and social institutions look objectively real, in reality, they are all built-in subjective definitions through the process of interaction. New objectivity can occur through repeated affirmations given by others who have the exact personal meaning. In this case, the theory of social reality construction is needed to observe how individuals construct exposure to the surrounding reality, in this case, family members to the exposure of Dalihan Na Tolu values in their families.
In a phenomenological study, the criteria for a good informant are individuals who have experienced the phenomenon to be studied. So, the researcher will take informants, namely nomad Batak people who live or work in Jakarta. There are three types of Batak families that the researchers used as subjects in this study, namely the first Batak family in which the husband comes from the Batak tribe while the wife comes from a different tribe; the second where the husband comes from another tribe and the wife comes from the Batak tribe; and the three Batak families where both husband and wife are from the Batak tribe. In addition, the informants also came from different Batak sub-tribes, namely Toba, Simalungun, Mandailing, and Karo. This consideration is based on the researchers getting a more comprehensive picture of reality regarding the meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu's values.
The results of this study are expected to be a valuable contribution to the treasures of social science, especially communication science, especially regarding cultural communication, namely the meaning of the philosophical value of Dalihan Na Tolu in nomad Batak in an urban city environment. This research is expected to be a basis or comparison material for further research related to communication and cultural values. In addition, this research is also expected to be useful as input and additional valuable information for the community and policymakers to preserve traditional cultural customs in today's society.

Research Method
The research method used in this study is a qualitative research method with a phenomenological approach. The theories that form the basis of this research are the Symbolic Interaction theory from George Herbert Mead and Blumer (Mulyana, 2006) and the Social Construction Theory of Reality from Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann (1990).

Data collection
This study carried out three data collection techniques: in-depth interviews, observation, and literature study. In-depth interviews were conducted with 5 (five) nomad Batak informants from Mandailing-Angkola (South Tapanuli) and Toba (North Tapanuli). In addition to conducting interviews, researchers also collect data through participant observation or participant observation. In addition, a literature study was also carried out on the literature related to the Batak tribe and the philosophical concepts of Dalihan Na Tolu. Data collection in the field is carried out by recording various information that appears, then data analysis and validation are carried out.
Interviews were conducted in-depth to explore knowledge and perceptions, or the meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu on informants. Interviews were conducted as naturally as possible without being bound by predetermined hypotheses. After understanding the complete picture of the experience of the informants, an analysis of the interview transcripts was carried out. The product of the analysis is then categorized according to the unit of meaning.
In addition, observations were also made on various activities carried out by informants to be compared with data and information obtained through interviews. Observations were made to find out the actual situation in the field and match several statements that the informants had put forward. The researcher tries to find the depth of meaning by interpreting what the researcher gets from the informant's description. These variables are also obtained from what the researchers experienced during the observation.

Determination of Informants
Informants in this study were determined using the purposive sampling method. Informants must meet predetermined criteria, namely.
1. Are descendants of the Batak tribe, from both or one of their parents, 2. Currently domiciled and working in Jakarta Three types of Batak families are the subjects of this study, namely the first Batak family where the husband is from the Batak tribe while the wife is from another ethnic group (not Batak), the second is the husband from a non-Batak tribe, and the wife is from the Batak tribe, and the third is Batak families, both husband, and wife from the Batak tribe. In addition, the informants also came from two different Batak sub-tribes, namely Mandailing-Angkola (South Tapanuli) and Toba (North Tapanuli). This consideration was chosen in the hope that a more comprehensive picture of reality will be obtained regarding the meaning and implementation of Dalihan Na Tolu's values.

Data Analysis and Validation
The researcher immediately changed the data collected into an easy form to trace in conducting this research. For example, the recorded interview results are directly converted into text by transcribing the interview to facilitate the analysis process. The interview text is read repeatedly to find the meaning from the conversation results to simplify analyzing the research results.
The data obtained in this study were tested for validity by triangulation, namely source triangulation, data collection methods/techniques triangulation, and time triangulation. Source triangulation is done by checking the data that has been obtained by asking the same question more than once. The data obtained is then analyzed to produce conclusions, then an agreement (member check) is requested with the data sources. Checking is done informally, where the researcher visits the informants to the informants' residences or workplaces and conducts casual conversations.

Results and Discussion
Although the number of Batak people in Jakarta is quite large, in 2010, it reached 326,332 people (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2010); finding and determining informants according to research needs was not easy. This study obtained five informants by rolling (purposive snowball sampling) from information obtained through an informant met at the North Sumatra Pavilion of Taman Mini Indonesia Indah, namely Mrs. Farida Hanum.
Farida Hanum, the first informant in this study, a 55-year-old woman from the Mandailing sub-ethnic, has an undergraduate degree. She is married to a Javanese (East Java) tribe. She migrated to Jakarta from 1978 until now, working for the Regional Government of North Sumatra, stationed at Taman Mini Indonesia Indah. Her work allows her to meet and hang out a lot by meeting with Batak artists and cultural experts who are very inspiring. She admitted that she does not understand the Batak culture but desires to know more.
The second informant is Herman Adil Rangkuti from Mandailing, 60 years old, and has a bachelor's degree in education. He migrated in 1973 and married a Batak ethnic woman. After getting married, he changed jobs several times until finally found a comfortable job that intersects with art, customs, and Batak culture. He founded Dolok Martimbus, the Batak music arts organization he still manages with optimism. After establishing his proud organization, he became one of the art workers at the Taman Mini Indonesia Indah North Sumatra Pavilion in 1994. Since then, he has been labeled as a Batak culturalist.
The third informant is Syahnidan Chalik Tambunan, commonly called Alex. Alex is originally from Toba but grew up in the Asahan area, an ethnic Malay area. Alex is 40 years old and has an undergraduate education (Bachelor Strata 1). He married a woman of Javanese descent and migrated to Jakarta in 1991. Currently, he works as a Batak cultural arts activist, whose base is an art community called Konsentra (Community of Traditional Artists of North Sumatra), which he founded. In this community, Batak people from various sub-ethnics and religions are gathered. He said that it was precisely from his friendship with the Konsentra artists that he became more and more aware of and interested in Batak customs and culture because his comrades in arms generally came from the Toba sub-ethnic, which is known as the sub-tribe with the strongest hold on the values of the ancestors.
The fourth informant is Jesman Gultom, often called Pak Gultom, from Batak Toba. The man who looked fresh and excited when he was first met was wearing an ulos-patterned headband. According to people who know him, he is indeed one of the most diligent Batak people in wearing attributes that indicate his identity as part of Batak cultural customs. Mr. Gultom is 45 years old, has an undergraduate education. He is married to a Batak Toba woman and has four children. He has lived in Jakarta since 1997 and works as an entrepreneur. Gultom is very proud of his identity as a Bataknese. He was also very proud of the Batak people around him. As a nomad, he feels that the Batak tribes in various regions still highly respect the customs of their ancestors. The Batak people will always try to preserve traditions in family events and everyday life. Although not all Batak people fully understand Batak customs, he is optimistic that every Batak person must love their own culture.
The fifth informant is L. Sidauruk, who is always called Pak Dauruk because he rarely tells his full name. He comes from the Toba Batak. Pak Dauruk is 65 years old, married to a woman from the Karo Batak, and has six children. Migrated to Jakarta in 1992, from Medan until now, he has been struggling in traditional Batak music. Since childhood, his family in his hometown firmly instilled Batak traditional values, especially Dalihan Na Tolu, in him. He admitted that the people in his village were native Batak people who highly respected Batak cultural values.

Knowledge and Understanding of Dalihan Na Tolu
The study results found that the five nomad Batak informants all knew the general meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu and appreciated the philosophical values contained in it. This condition seems to be because the five informants began to migrate at an adult age so that each From the study results, it appears that the informant who has the weakest level of knowledge and depth of meaning is Mrs. Farida Hanum. This informant comes from the Mandailing sub-ethnic. Her lack of solid understanding of Dalihan Na Tolu's philosophical values is also influenced by her position as a wife married to a non-Batak man, namely from East Java. Although she often meets many Batak artists and culturalists in her work as an employee at the Taman Mini Indonesia Indah North Sumatra Pavilion, the urge to understand and interpret Batak cultural values is weak.
Mr. Rangkuti, who is from Mandailing, actually has a depth and breadth of knowledge and a high appreciation of the philosophical values of Dalihan Na Tolu. This seems to be due to his profession as a cultural expert and expert on Batak customs, which demands that he not abandon Batak traditions, and even continue to increase his knowledge, depth of meaning, and appreciation of the Batak culture. Moreover, he is married to a Batak woman, which does not pose any obstacles and encourages him to increase further his knowledge and depth of meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu's philosophical values.
Pak Alex, one of the informants from Toba, works as a Batak artist. From this data, it is hoped that he will have deep knowledge and understanding about Dalihan Na Tolu, but this is not the case. Mr. Alex's knowledge of Dalihan Na Tolu is quite a lot, and he appreciates his nobility, but he does not understand it in everyday life. Two factors might cause this. First, even though he comes from Toba, Pak Alex was born and raised in an ethnic Malay area, namely the Asahan area. Second, Pak Alex has a wife from a non-Batak area, namely Central Java. In the Batak custom, which adheres to a patrilineal kinship system, the position of a husband is very dominant. So, even though he is married to a non-Batak woman, it can be estimated, and this is by the information from informants and observations, the influence of Pak Alex's wife is minimal in weakening Pak Alex's attachment to Batak culture, including studying and deepening the philosophical values of Dalihan Na Tolu. Thus, the lack of depth in the meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu to Pak Alex is most likely due to his childhood environment, which was not in the Batak area but the Malay ethnic area. So it can be concluded that the childhood environment plays a significant role in inculcating cultural values. One of the dominant factors that bind Pak Alex to the current Batak culture is his association as an artist in Jakarta.
Interestingly, the five informants admitted that although they began to migrate when they were adults and already had knowledge and meaning about Dalihan Na Tolu, the development of their understanding of Dalihan Na Tolu also occurred after they lived and socialized in Jakarta. Thus, it can be concluded that in overseas lands, which are metropolitan cities such as Jakarta, the exchange or transfer of knowledge and deepening of the meaning of local wisdom, in this case, Dalihan Na Tolu, still occurs, with different magnitudes depending on the profession, the breadth of association. each informant in the Batak community, and also his position in the family.

Construction of the Meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu
Dalihan Na Tolu is a traditional philosophy that guides the life of the Batak people wherever they are, although the mention of the terms and the strength of the teachings of Dalihan Na Tolu values in each sub-tribe are different. Dalihan Na Tolu summarizes the game's rules that explain each element's position against the others. It includes kinship calls, rules for behaving and behaving, Etc. Dalihan Na Tolu is applied in traditional ceremonies and daily social life both in society and in the family.
According to Alex, Dalihan Na Tolu outlines the game's rules between fellow Batak people, both within the family and outside the family. Dalihan Na Tolu summarizes the regulations that explain how the position of each element in front of the others, including the rules of attitude, treatment, conversation, and others.
Rangkuti, one of the South Tapanuli Batak culturalists in Jakarta, has a more complex and comprehensive understanding of Dalihan Na Tolu. He describes the definition and meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu in a concise but complete way. In short, according to him, Dalihan Na Tolu describes a customary rule, which works together as a whole to support a formal event to be prosperous. In addition, Dalihan Na Tolu also regulates the procedures for communicating and interacting among the Batak people so that everything is in order; that is, one can understand his position in the traditional Batak social system. Rangkuti explained how to draw a lineage so that each individual could know his position against other Batak people, called martarombo.
Meanwhile, Butet admitted that he did not understand the definition, history, or complete explanation of Dalihan Na Tolu. He just does what his parents taught him when he was little. He knows that to mora, and he must respect. To anakboru, he must love and love. Furthermore, to kahanggi, he must be careful in his behavior. He also realized that Dalihan Na Tolu is an unwritten reference that Batak people follow wherever they are.
For Dauruk, who is one of the elders among the Batak people of Jakarta, he explained his understanding of Dalihan Na Tolu. He considers Dalihan Na Tolu a life guide for every Batak person. That is because this philosophy can last for so long and produce the Batak people they are today. Like the meaning of dalihan, which means furnace, the rice cooked by the stove makes the Batak people survive.
Gultom, who is very strong with his Toba Batak ethnicity, enthusiastically explains Dalihan Na Tolu to the Toba people. He said Dalihan Na Tolu is the philosophy of the Toba Batak people, which is the order of life for the Batak people. Dalihan Na Tolu is likened to the integrity of the solidity of the culture with three stoves, which symbolize the three positions of the Batak people in traditional rules. In essence, Dalihan Na Tolu illustrates how to state that the Batak people have status and authority in Batak kinship.
Gultom argues that Dalihan Na Tolu effectively maintains harmony in Batak kinship. Batak people like to establish kinship ties. In the life of the Batak people, the tradition of martarombo or lineage is the first thing that must be done when interacting with fellow Batak tribes who have just met. With this tradition, the clan's origin of someone who is just met can be known. The way to find out the origin of the genealogy of other people who have just met is by matching the origin of their clan and other clans that have a relationship with their family. In this way, the Batak people feel close to one another.
Alex admits that the Batak people like to get together, look for friends or relatives from the same village or clan, form a kinship bond, and be active in it. It was admitted that it was a pleasure for Alex. He did not understand much about the forms of kinship ties or any Batak community organization in the past. He had never joined any Batak community before. However, after he moved to Jakarta, he lived with the artist, and it turned out that he could think how necessary it was to form a kinship bond that the Batak people could foster. He wanted to compose the forms of artistic activities he thought had also done with his fellow artists.
Apart from being a harmonic relationship, Dalihan Na Tolu can be a tool to avoid conflicts and even reduce disputes. Misunderstandings between brothers can be discussed amicably with the help of Dalihan Na Tolu elements, at least preventing conflict by remembering the rules that must be obeyed. For example, Rangkuti explained that Dalihan Na Tolu is a tool that can be used to resolve conflicts. The problem that he and his extended family experienced was divorce, which was resolved by the Dalihan Na Tolu traditional procedure. Meanwhile, one of the benefits of Dalihan Na Tolu's values that Butet feels is conflict relief. When she has a problem with her husband, she resolves it according to Dalihan Na Tolu's rules. She is not allowed to complain about her father's family (her biological family).
According to the five informants, the values contained in Dalihan Na Tolu do not conflict with religion. All values derived from the Dalihan Na Tolu philosophy, both in daily actions and formal events, align with religious matters. Informants, both Muslim and Christian, said that the richness of Batak culture could increase the enjoyment of carrying out religious rules. All informants considered Dalihan Na Tolu a philosophy whose application could penetrate sub-ethnic and religious barriers. Whatever religion a Batak adheres to, as long as a person adheres to the Dalihan Na Tolu guidelines, they will still be considered a part of Batak cultural customs. On the other hand, if a Batak person whose religion is vital but gets rid of the cultural values of Dalihan Na Tolu, then that person will no longer be considered a member of Batak cultural customs.

Unifying (Breaking Subethnic & Religious Barriers) Conflict Resolution
Harmonizing Batak People's Relationships No matter how far apart they are from traditional Batak life in their hometown, they still maintain the cultural values of Dalihan Na Tolu. They will never forget the values of life taught by their parents since they were children. There is a strong feeling among Batak nomads to preserve and practice the values of Dalihan Na Tolu. Maybe if it is said that the Indonesian people must practice the values of Pancasila, people who come from the Batak tribe must always practice the values of Dalihan Na Tolu wherever they are and whatever they do.
The reason why do they still maintain this Batak culture is that they feel that many Batak people today do not understand the customs and culture of their ancestors. Never mind understanding, maybe someone has never heard of a philosophy called Dalihan Na Tolu. The interaction between the Batak and other tribes in overseas areas in intercultural communication resulted in assimilation. Assimilation that occurs in a place far from the land of the Batak is considered very likely to fade the Batak culture and disappear over time. This condition is because the Batak tribes overseas tend to be far from traditional activities, so that the maintenance of customs and traditions is not like at home. As a result, they see today that many Batak people, especially the younger generation who have never lived in their hometowns, are less able to position themselves against other Batak people.
In fact, according to them, the essence of Dalihan Na Tolu is very positive. Rules regarding respect, affection, courtesy, strong friendship, and solving problems are regulated in this one Dalihan Na Tolu system. They feel that this philosophy should always be used as a way of life. It also does not conflict with any religion's values to become a bridge for interreligious and inter-subethnic assimilation. This condition is what every generation of Batak people should know and understand.

Factors Affecting the Meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu
The construction of meaning produced by the informants about the reality of Dalihan Na Tolu cannot be separated from the process of meaning and experiences they have experienced during their lives. Over the years, the informants went through life phases, gaining various experiences that increased their knowledge of reality, including about Dalihan Na Tolu. The various things they experience produce a building of meaning resulting from the construction of meaning for life.

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The meaning of customary philosophy for each person is different. Some think that understanding and carrying out the ideology taught by traditional philosophy is essential for every nation's child and must be applied no matter how small. However, some people think otherwise that it is not very important to understand. What is essential is that they respect the customs inherited from their ancestors.
The meaning indeed arises from the communication and interactions in society; the meaning is formed from the reality of the individual's daily life. Including Berger and Luckmann in Bungin (2001:3) believe that reality results from creative human creation through the power of social construction of the social world around them. Thus, humans cannot ignore that their communication environment plays an active role and is an integral part of their lives.
The informants' views regarding Dalihan Na Tolu are more or less the same because their experiences when they were young in their hometown were taught by their respective parents to always hold fast to the values of Dalihan Na Tolu. There is only a slight difference in the level of importance of Dalihan Na Tolu for life. This variable is the influence of the sub-ethnic origin of each informant. Among the Batak people, the Toba sub-ethnic is the most adherent to Batak customs and cultural norms. It can be seen from the informants that the informants who came from the land of Toba, namely Gultom and Dauruk, were the strongest with Dalihan Na Tolu's values in their lives.
Meanwhile, Rangkuti, even though he is from South Tapanuli, also understands and respects the value of Dalihan Na Tolu because his current job requires him not to leave Batak customs. On the other hand, Alex and Butet still implement Dalihan Na Tolu's values. However, the two informants did not fully understand Dalihan Na Tolu comprehensively.

Response to Meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu
There are two responses generated from the meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu based on the informants' narratives. There are positive meanings, and some are negative. Positive reactions were obtained from deep sense and high and comprehensive knowledge about Dalihan Na Tolu.
All informants in this study can respond to Dalihan Na Tolu and its meaning positively. However, they also encountered individuals who negatively responded to Dalihan Na Tolu several times. These negative responses included underestimating the values in Dalihan Na Tolu and refusing or even forbidding other people (especially their families) to carry out the traditions taught through Dalihan Na Tolu.

Sub-ethnic Origin
Childhood Experiences

Conclusion
Based on the research results that have been done, the researchers draw several conclusions that Dalihan Na Tolu is generally understood as a life guide for the Batak people that must be adhered to for life wherever they are. The five informants from different sub-tribes know the meaning and significance of Dalihan Na Tolu as a triple furnace. It means that in life, the Batak people must always carry out their duties and authorities or different rights and obligations based on the three elements of Dalihan Na Tolu, namely hula-hula/ mora, boru/anakboru, and dongan tubu.
Dalihan Na Tolu is considered an explanation of kinship relations, harmonizing between individuals and sub-ethnic groups, and a means of resolving conflicts, both within the family and in the social environment. Dalihan Na Tolu is considered a very positive value system because it can penetrate barriers such as religious and sub-ethnic differences in the Batak tribe. The depth of meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu in life is slightly different, depending on experiences with family and relatives of Batak individuals who are nomads while still living in their hometown. Informants from the South Tapanuli area felt that Dalihan Na Tolu's values were not as attached to them as people from other sub-tribes, especially Toba.
Although the values contained in Dalihan Na Tolu's philosophy are considered not to conflict with the rules or norms that apply in Indonesia, including religious norms, the informants agreed that there are still people who negatively respond to this philosophy. This variable can be one of the things that can be studied more deeply regarding the background of people who respond negatively to cultural values in adat, especially Dalihan Na Tolu.

Response to the Meaning of Dalihan Na Tolu
Positive -Considering as an important thing and must be implemented