An Investigation of the Translation of English Culture-Bound Expressions into Arabic

| ABSTRACT The present study investigates the effective strategies that can be employed in translating English culture-bound expressions into Arabic. The study mainly explores the translation and idiomacity of some colour-related expressions of comparison (i.e. similes), collocations and binomials. The paper examines whether it is possible to observe any consistency in the strategies used for the translation of these colour-related idiomatic expressions. This is attempted under the notions of foreignization and domestication proposed by Venuti (1995), the framework of Berlin/Key studies on colours (1969), and the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, which are all concerned with the interrelationships between language, culture, and translation. The researcher is the instrument of this study. In translating the culturally-bound expressions, the researcher uses two techniques to solve the cultural gap between the source and target languages. The paper reaches the conclusion that no translation strategy should be discarded. Venuti claims that the translator's invisibility is a direct fallout of domesticating translation. However, domestication is very successful in translating many of the idioms incorporated in the corpus data by providing an equivalent idiom in the target language (TL). Foreignising translation, on the other hand, is not always favoured as a form of cultural innovation if it is taken to extremes, as is the case with colour-related idioms deeply bound to culture as it negatively affects the semantic content of the source language.


Review of Literature
This section reviews the literature on idiomatic expressions, idioms as cultural-bound expressions and studies on translation, colours and culture.

Idioms as Culturally-bound expressions
In many cases, the terms idiom and idiomatic expressions are used interchangeably. The same term has a different sense in translation (Abu-Ssaydeh, 2004, p.114). "Idiomatic translation", says Larson, is one "which has the same meaning as the source language but is expressed in the natural form of the receptor language" (Quoted in Shuttleworth and Cowie 1997, p.73). "Idiom", on the other hand, may refer to a language or a style of expression which characterizes a certain group of language users.
Idioms are linguistic clichés that use fixed expressions. Longman Idioms Dictionary (1998) defines the idiom as "a sequence of words which has a different meaning as a group from the meaning it would have if you understand each word separately" (p. vii). Lewis provides another concise dictionary-like definition: an idiom, he states, is "a multi-word lexical item where the meaning of the whole is not directly related to the meanings of the individual words" (Lewis 1998, p.217). Cowie and Mackin (1975, p. viii) also stress the multi-word nature and semantic opacity of the idiom. An idiom, they write, "is a combination of two or more words which function as a unit of meaning". Baker (1992, p. 63) studies idioms, and fixed expressions as both types of multi-word units represent "frozen patterns of language which allow little or no variation in form, and in the case of idioms, often carry meanings which cannot be deduced from their individual components". Baker (1992, p. 21) describes cultural words as '"culture-specific concepts". She indicates that the source language expression may refer to a concept that is totally unknown in the target language. The concept in question may be abstract or concrete; it may relate to a religious belief or a social custom. Langlotz (2006) states that "idioms have been described as conventional multi-word units that are semantically opaque and structurally fixed" (p.2). Healey (1968) defines an idiom as "any group of words whose meaning cannot be deduced from the meaning of the individual words" (p.71). Davidson (1996) defines an idiom as "a combined word or phrase whose meaning is not deducible from the meaning of the words of which it is composed" (p.27). A colour idiom, therefore, is comprised of at least one word that either is or refers to a certain colour has a meaning that is not apparent from the colour, and the colour itself is not directly implied (Alotaibi, 2020, p.2).
Despite recent developments in the field of translation theory, idioms still cause problems that relate to two main issues: recognising and interpreting them correctly and rendering their intended meaning into the target language (Baker, 1992, p. 68). There are various types of idioms, some more easily recognisable than others. Those which are easily recognisable include expressions that violate truth conditions that are when, for example, inanimate objects are used in place of animate ones, as in the colour-related idiom the pot calling the kettle black ), i.e. to say something about someone else, which is actually true of you yourself). Some idioms include expressions that seem ill-formed because they do not follow the grammatical rules of the language (Baker, 1992, p. 64), as in the colour-related idiom red hots (i.e. kind of candy), in which the adjective hot is used as a noun in the plural form. In fact, there is no rule for translating the meanings expressed by this group of idioms except knowing the cultural equivalent of each in the target language regardless of the linguistic forms they take (Baker, 1992, p.65). Moreover, the meanings of transparent idioms are easily logical, but more opaque ones are pure idioms that can confuse foreign language learners in case of different associations. Cross-cultural comparisons are then drawn, and an attempt is made to identify some universal colour associations and highlight stark contrasts between the two cultures. For example, the colour grey is shared in both English and Arabic as unclear and vague situations, while the colour yellow in English indicates "coward", while in Arabic, it refers to "fake" (Alotaibi, 2020, p.1).
Many studies have been carried out on colour terms. Uusküla (2019) reached the conclusion that no translation techniques were available exclusively for colour terms. "The most common techniques and strategies used for translating colour terms were literal translation, hyponymy, omission or change of information and using additional information such as comments and footnotes". (p.80). Metwally (2019) examines the strategies for translating Arabic colour-related expressions and proves that foreignization and domestication strategies could complement one another to arrive at authentic translations. Uusküla (2018) proposes a cognitive-linguistic research project on translating colour words and colour metaphors into Estonian. The study emphasizes that the translation of colour terms and colour metaphors can often result in a fallacy being produced because of the linguistic and cultural differences between languages. Al Adaileh (2012) examines the connotations of Arabic colour terms where he explores the significant uses of some colours in the Arabic language. It could be concluded from this review of some of the studies conducted on the translation of colour terms and idiomatic expressions that there is no one definite strategy that is approved for the translation of all such expressions. In other words, different translation strategies could complement each other to reach an authentic and genuine translation of such cultural terms. It is also found that "the role of context should never be underestimated in translation" (Uusküla, 2019, p. 80).

Translation and Culture
The present study is one of the translation studies that investigate the relationship between translation and culture. The translation is basically a human activity that enables human beings to exchange ideas and thoughts regardless of their different tongues and cultures. Hermans (1990) believes that translation should be recognized as a cultural practice. Gerding-Salas (2000) suggests that the main aim of translation is to serve as a cross-cultural bilingual communication vehicle among people of different tongues and cultures (as cited in Badawi, 2008, p.1).
Translation has often been thought of as a source of cultural enrichment. This view is explained by Delille: I have always thought of translation as a way to enrich a language. If you write an original work in a particular language, you are likely to exhaust that language's own resources, if I may say so. If you translate, you import the riches contained in foreign languages into your own by means of felicitous commerce. (as cited in Lefevere, 1992, p. 37).
In her book, Translation Studies, Bassnett (2002) quotes Levý stressing that: A translation is not a monistic composition but an interpenetration and conglomerate of two structures. On the one hand, there are the semantic content and the formal contour of the original; on the other hand, the entire system of aesthetic features is bound up with the language of the translation. (as cited in Bassnett, p. 15).
Levý's quotation provides evidence for the interrelation between language and culture in the creation of a translation. As Sapir asserts, "[n]o two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same world with different labels attached" (as cited in Bassnett, 2002, p. 21). This, in fact, indicates that languages do not operate in isolation; they are representatives of various cultures. Languages are not just mirrors of cultures. However, as Lotman puts it, "[n]o language can exist unless it is steeped in the context of culture; and no culture can exist which does not have at its center, the structure of natural language" (as cited in Bassnett, 2002, p. 2).
Central to culture and communication is translating culture-bound expressions. Nida (1964) argues that translation problems are likely to depend on both cultural and linguistic gaps between the two concerned languages. Accordingly, equal importance to both linguistic and cultural differences between the SL and the TL must be taken into consideration. Newmark (2001, p. 328) states that "Now whilst some see culture as the essence of translation, I see culture as the greatest obstacle to translation, at least to the achievement of an accurate and decent translation". Significantly, Armellino (2008) mentions that one of the most challenging tasks for a translator is to translate culture-bound expressions. Aldhahi and Alshehri (2019) investigate the translation of culturebound expressions such as idioms, proverbs and similes and indicate that the process can be a challenge even for professional translators, at least theoretically. The results show that the translation of culture-bound expressions can indeed cause significant challenges for professional translators. Nevertheless, the study results suggest that testing the cultural knowledge of translators between Arabic and English is a possible task that will consequently result in improving the translation product.
In essence, translating culture-bound expressions is an integral part of translating culture. Culture-bound expressions involve; metaphors, proverbs, idioms and collocations. Idioms, in particular, constitute a core portion of authentic communications among native English speakers. Translating cultural meanings associated with idioms represent real translation problems, especially among non-natives (Badawi, 2008, p.3). Armellino (2008) maintains that it is impossible to replace culturally-bound words or idioms in one language with the same words or idioms in another because the meaning which lies behind these kinds of idioms is always linked to the specific cultural context where the text originates or with the cultural context it aims to recreate.
Language and culture are in a mutually influential relationship; the cultural dimension is very significant when two languages are involved in any type of interaction. For Ronald Wardhaugh (1986, p. 220), this interinfluential relationship follows three patterns: 1) the strong claim of linguistic determinism or the weaker claim of linguistic relativity (Sapir-Whorf), when language determines culture, 2) when the way the language's speakers view the world determines language use; and 3) when the relationship between language and culture is neutral (Balfaqeeh, 2009, p.2). Newmark (1998, p. 95) asserts that most cultural words are easy to detect since they are associated with a particular language. However, cultural words cannot be literally translated because, in such a process of translating a particular language that brings cultural value which does not exist or differ from other languages, it is possible that the cultural value will change.

Sapir-Whorf hypothesis (SWH)
An important principle by which the present work will be influenced is the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis (SWH), also known as the "linguistic relativity hypothesis". This hypothesis postulates that the structure of a human being's language influences the manner in which he understands reality and behaves with respect to it (Gullette, 1975, p. 1). Within the same hypothesis, colour shades and perception are considered to be influenced by linguistic capabilities. Some colour terms are universal and occur in most languages, but others are non-universal (Lyons, 1981, p.317). Non-universal colour terms provide evidence of cultural relativity between languages. For example, there is no term for blue in Russian or a single term that corresponds to brown in French. In addition, the linguistic structure may affect how language users perceive colours. If speakers of any language are asked to give the focal meaning, which is the best example of any colour (ibid), their choice will vary depending on how their language allows them to view the colour spectrum.

Berlin/Kay's (1969) Survey of Colour Terms
Because of its sheer scope, Berlin/Kay's (1969) survey of colour terms provides a platform for most linguistic and anthropological research involving colours. The aim of their study was to identify the basic colour terms for each of the languages studied and the order in which these come into use, with a view to developing a picture of the acquisition of colour terms in languages as a whole (Berlin/Kay, 1969, p. 5ff).
This paper draws on Berlin and Kay's research on the complexity and relativity of colour vocabulary in different languages. Because of its thorough scope, Berlin/Kay's (1969) survey of colour terms provides a platform for most linguistic and translation research involving colours. The aim of studying them is to identify the basic colour terms for each of the languages studied and the order in which these come into use, with a view to identifying a mechanism for the acquisition of colour terms in languages as a whole (Berlin/Kay 1969, p. 5ff).
Colour words are loaded with attributive, connotative meanings, many of which are realised in conventional linguistic idiomatic expressions such as to feel blue (i.e. very sad), to be in the pink (i.e. in good health), and to see red (i.e. angry). According to Berlin and Kay (1969), "there appears to be a positive correlation between general cultural complexity and complexity of colour vocabulary" (Dedrick, 1998, p. 2). Berlin and Kay did research on 78 different languages and found that there are universals in the semantics of colour (Peek, 2006, p. 3), making linguistic relativity seem quite plausible. However, there is nothing in the physics of light that suggests drawing boundaries between colours at one place rather than another; in this sense, our segmentations of the colour spectrum are arbitrary (Surakat, 2006, p.22).
The following section provides an investigation of idioms of comparison (i.e. similes), collocations, and binomials. The idiomatic expressions are translated into Arabic, and an analysis of the methods of translation is explained in the discussion.

Idioms of comparison (Similes)
A simile is a figure of speech that says that one thing is like another different thing. Similes make descriptions more emphatic and vivid. A significant note is that similes are sometimes idiomatic and culture-specific. For example, when a person is called an owl in America, it means s/he is very wise (in the idiomatic sense), which is expressed in the English simile as wise as an owl. However, in the Arabic culture, when a person is called an owl, it means s/he is ominous (Philip, 2006, p. 7).
The examples listed below are originally English colour-related idiomatic similes used in the comparison. They have been chosen entirely at random and have been translated into Arabic to propose that "paraphrasing" is a widely-used effective technique when handling such expressions.

1.
As black as cool could be translated into ‫أسود‬ ‫كالفحم‬ using the foreignisation strategy.

2.
As brown as a berry could be translated into ‫السمرة‬ ‫شديد‬ using the paraphrase strategy.

3.
As black as night (very dark) could be translated into ‫كالليل‬ ‫أسود‬ using the foreignisation strategy.

4.
As black as thunder could be translated into ‫الغض‬ ‫شديد‬ ‫ب‬ using the paraphrase strategy.

5.
As green as grass could be rendered into ‫تنقصه‬ ‫الخبرة‬ using the paraphrase strategy.

6.
As red as rose, which is usually used to mean 'intensely red', could be rendered into ‫الاحمرار‬ ‫شديد‬ using the paraphrase strategy. 7.
As red as ruby, which is usually used to mean 'deep red' could be translated into ‫قاني‬ ‫أحمر‬ using the paraphrase strategy. 8.
As red as blood that is used to mean 'very deep red' could be translated into ‫قاتم‬ ‫أحمر‬ using the paraphrase strategy.

9.
As white as a sheet and white as a ghost which are both usually used to mean pale, could be translated into ‫شاحب‬ ‫اللون‬ using the paraphrase strategy. 10. As good as gold could be translated into ‫للغاية‬ ‫مهذب‬ using the paraphrase strategy. Table 1.

English Idioms of Comparison and their Translations into Arabic
In the translation of the above examples, it is clear that, besides foreignisation, paraphrase strategy is adopted most of the time to render the similes into Arabic.

Collocations
It is necessary to include a discussion about collocations in this part of the work as the study will analyze colour-related idioms that involve collocations; or strings of words that are remembered as wholes and often used together, such as red herring, red tape, and black hole. The term collocation is used to refer to "sequence of lexical items which habitually co-occur, but which are nonetheless fully transparent in the sense that each lexical constituent is also a semantic constituent" (Cruse, 1986, p.40). "A word which occurs in close proximity to a word under investigation is called a collocate of it" (Sinclair, 1991, p.170).
Nattinger and Decarrio (1992, p.20) declare that "it has been a practice in linguistics to classify words not only on the basis of their meaning, but on the basis of their co-occurrence with other words, and in this way to search for increasingly delicate word classes". Consequently, collocation refers to "the combination of words that have a certain mutual expectancy" (Jackson, 1988, p.96). The combination is not a fixed expression. For example, if we take the word 'rancid', in the sentence 'the---is rancid', the noun that immediately comes to our mind is no doubt 'butter'. In addition, we may associate 'bacon' with 'rancid', whereas 'addled' goes with 'eggs' and other words. Therefore, the sentence will be either: a. The butter is rancid b. The bacon is rancid.
Porzig (1934) argued for the recognition of the syntagmatic relations between, for instance, blond and hair. Firth (1951, p.124; cited in Palmer, 1981, p.75) reports that "You shall know a word by the company it keeps." For Firth, this keeping company, which he called collocation, was part of the meaning of a word. The term collocation is defined by Sinclair (1991, p.170); as "Collocation is the occurrence of two or more words within a short space of each other in a text" (Moon, 1998, p.26). Palmer (1981, p.76) argued that collocation is not simply a matter of association of ideas. For although milk is white, we should not often say white milk, though the expression white paint is common enough. More importantly, perhaps, although collocation is very largely determined by meaning, it is sometimes fairly idiosyncratic and cannot easily be predicted in terms of the meaning of the associated words.
One example is Porzig's blond with hair. For we should not talk about * a blond door or * a blond dress, even if the colour were exactly that of blond hair. Lewis (1998) proposes the following categories for collocations:

Strong
A large number of collocations are strong or very strong. For example, we most commonly talk of rancid butter, but that does not mean that other things cannot be rancid.

Weak
These are words that co-occur with a greater than random frequency. Many things can be long or short, cheap or expensive, good or bad. However, some things are more predictable, which could be called collocation; for example, white wine or red wine.

Medium strength
These are words that go together with a greater frequency than weak collocations. Some examples are hold a meeting and carry out a study.
In fact, it would be futile to attempt to draw a clear distinguishing line between those collocations that are predictable from the meanings of the words that co-occur and those that are not. One can provide a semantic explanation for even the more restricted collocations by assigning very particular meanings to the individual words. Our terms can also be redefined. We can thus explain white coffee, white wine and white people by suggesting that white means something like 'with the lightest of the normal colours associated with the entity' (Palmer, 1981, p.77).
Learning a language from the point of view of Fromkin and Rodman (1988, p. 205) includes "the agreed upon meanings of certain strings of sounds and learning how to combine these meaningful units that also convey meaning". As such, collocative meaning consists of "the association a word acquires on account of the meanings of words which tend to occur in its environment" (Leech, 1974, p. 17). Pretty and handsome are words that share common ground in the meaning 'good-looking', but may be distinguished by the range of nouns they are likely to co-occur or collocate with, as in: a. Pretty (girl, boy, woman, flower, garden, colour, village, etc.) b. Handsome (boy, man, car, vessel, overcoat, airliner, typewriter, etc.) Hatch and Brown (1995, p.202) argue that "Although we claim that collocations are lexical units, they are not set in cement, and there are all sorts of possibilities of remarking them. Idioms are not, either, but we think of them as the continuum from loose to set collocation".

Binomials
Binomials are defined by Moon (1998) as a term to refer to conjoined pairs, unrestricted to word, class but normally occurring in a fixed order as 'irreversible binomials' (Malkiel 1959;Makkai 1972).
In fact, some purely compositional binomials are not irreversible but still demonstrate clear tendencies for preferred ordering; for instance, Poland and Hungary is five times as common as Hungary and Poland. This ordering is language-specific and culturespecific. For example, English black and white contrasts with Arabic ‫وأسود‬ ‫أبيض‬ /ʔabyaḍ waʔswad/. In English, black and white are one of the rare counter-examples where the negative comes first. Other examples can be found in Back and forth, backwards and forward, where there is an observation of the 'me-first' or 'towards speaker' orientation (Moon, 1998, p.153). Other pairings suggest a tendency for the shorter or monosyllabic item to precede as in law and order, bed and breakfast, time and money and names and addresses. The norm for pairs involving male/female counterparts is for the male term to precede; hence Mr and Mrs, men and women, brothers and sisters. However, in Arabic, we find that the female word comes first as in ‫والسادة‬ ‫السيدات‬ /ʔssayidaat was sadah/. In English, there are a few exceptions, such as mother and father. However, Murray Knowles points out that according to his corpus data, collected for a contrastive study of nineteenth and twentieth-century children's literature, father(s) and mother(s) seem to have been the norm in the late nineteenth century. This reflects a diachronic shift in the paradigm and reinforces the fact that cultural influences underlie binomial sequencing (Moon, 1998, p.154).

Methodology
The study relies on Venuti's (1995) conceptualization of foreignisation (SL-oriented translation) versus employing domestication (TL-oriented translation) and paraphrase, as a mode of domestication, towards interpreting colour-related expressions in English. The former is a parallel word-for-word translation that aims at rendering the form of the (SL) into the (TL). The latter is translating in a fluent, intelligible and transparent way which tends to erase the foreignness of the source text and conform to the needs and values of the domestic target culture (Ramiere, 2006, p.2). "Paraphrase" is a 'facilitated' translation that aims at conveying the meaning of the (SL) rather than the form (Metwally, 2019).
The present study is based on Venuti's notion of the translator's invisibility. The terms 'foreignisation' and 'domestication' have been coined by Venuti (1995) as a means of providing a classification of translation strategies. Venuti (1995) indicates that translation strategies "involve the basic tasks of choosing the foreign text to be translated and developing a method to translate it" (p. 240). He employs the concepts of domesticating and foreignising to refer to translation strategies (1998, p. 67). To Venuti, domestication, or translator invisibility, consists in translating in a clear and intelligible way which erases the foreignness of the source text in order to meet the needs and values of the target culture (Ramiere, 2006). Similarly, paraphrase, as a domesticationbiased technique, tends to restate the meaning in a clearer form in order to smoothly transfer the embedded message from the (SL) to the (TL). By adopting 'paraphrase', a translator is free from abiding by the structure of the (SL). As such, a translator can produce more accurate renderings owing to the freedom given to him/ her from being committed to certain idiomatic structures.
The aim of 'translating culture-bound expressions' is to bring cultures closer, and in order to achieve this aim, different strategies are employed. When there is an idiom that is a replica of an idiom in the source language, the foreignisation strategy will be applied. If a corresponding idiom does not exist in the target language, the domestication strategy can be followed. Some idioms are originally Arabic, while others are originally English. For example, the idiomatic expression ‫فضة‬ ‫من‬ ‫طبق‬ ‫على‬ /ʕala ṭabaq min feḍḍah/ is of an Arabic origin, and it is translated literally into on a silver plate, without being unintelligible (Shammas, 2005, p. 28).
Hence, the foreignisation model has been followed in such a case. Whereas, for example, to have green fingers is originally English (able to make plants grow well). When such an idiom is literally translated into Arabic using the foreignisation strategy, it will produce ‫خضراء‬ ‫أصابع‬ ‫ذو‬ which will be unintelligible to the Arabic speaking receiver. In such a case, I would suggest using the domestication model to produce ‫جيد‬ ‫(بستاني)‬ ‫حدائقي‬ which is more appropriate.
Furthermore, this study argues for "paraphrase" as a powerful tool that could be used in the translation of some colour-related idioms. For example, the English colour idiom To sail under false colours (to pretend to be what one is not) could be rendered into the Arabic expression ‫فيه‬ ‫ليس‬ ‫ما‬ ‫يدعى‬ using the paraphrase model instead of using the foreignisation strategy, which will produce the nonsense expression ‫كاذبة‬ ِ ‫ألوان‬ ‫تحت‬ ‫يبحر‬ . In fact, my aim is to prove that paraphrase tends to be a safe strategy to be followed when the two cultures and languages in question are very different.
To address the gap in the literature (i.e. the translatability of English colour idiomatic expressions, including similes, collocations and binomials), the present paper employs foreignisation and domestication strategies (Venuti, 1995) along with calques (SLoriented loan translations) and paraphrase (TL-oriented translations).

Foreignisation (SL-Oriented Translation)
This strategy, which translates an idiom by the nearest equivalent idiom in the target language, works in two modes; a mode in which there happens to be a (TL) replica of a (SL) idiom and a mode in which the (SL) idiom is translated literally without being unintelligible. The effect of this strategy, when applicable, is to preserve the impact of the (SL) idiom since the translation maintains the lexical constituents, the semantic content and most importantly, the effect of the source text (Abu-Ssaydeh, 2004).

Loan Translation (Calque)
A notion that is particularly related to the foreignisation strategy when dealing with culture-specific terms is that of calques (also known as loan translations). A calque, which is a word that keeps its literal meaning when it finds its way into the lexicon of another language (Ferm, 2006, p.10), is particularly used in such texts where the translator wishes to preserve and manifest some aspects of the original culture (Baker, 1992, p.35). Foreignisation can result in the integration of certain ST expressions into the lexicon of the TT. It can be said, for example, that the English idiom "give the green light" to has yielded the Arabic loan translation ‫يعطي‬ ‫الأخضر‬ ‫/الضوء‬juʕṭi ʔḍ-ḍawʔ ʔlʔxḍr/.
Calque is defined as a certain type of borrowing "whereby a language borrows an expression form of another, but then translates literally each of its elements" (Vinay and Darbelnet, 1958, p.129). There is some disagreement, however, on the extent to which loans should be used. Vinay and Darbelnet (1958) refer to emprunts as a way of filling in a semantic gap in the translation language or of adding local colour to the translation text and classifying it as the easiest (though not necessarily the best) way of dealing with culture-specific concepts. Newmark (1988, p.82) advises translators to borrow words from the source language (a procedure which he calls transference) judiciously, reasoning that "it is the translator's job to translate, to explain". Venuti (1995), who argues that in the present Anglo-American tradition, translated fiction is judged acceptable when it is 'domesticate' to the point that it does not read like a translation, specifies that one of the factors that make translations more domesticated is the avoidance of foreign words. Notwithstanding this tradition, Venuti (1995) adopts a position similar to Schleiermacher (1813) in that he is in favour of emphasising the foreign quality of translated fiction and encourages other translators to follow the same strategy.
Another factor that might affect translators' individual decisions as to whether or not they should borrow words from the source text is the relative prestige or hegemony of the language and culture from which they are translating. For Toury (1995, p.278), the tolerance of interference -and we can include the interference of foreign words here -is likely to be greater "when translation is carried out from a 'major' or highly prestigious language/culture" (as cited in Pym, 1995, p. 5). Venuti (1995) is of the view that even though such a domesticating method would appear to the target reader transparent and fluent; supposedly a "true semantic equivalence"; it is, in effect, "a partial interpretation" (p. 21), since it would be coloured by the different ideologies and values dominant in the target culture (Salim, 2010, p. 6).

Domestication (TL-Oriented Translation)
Rudolf Pannwitz resolves that "[t]he fundamental error of the translator is that he stabilises the state in which his own language happens to find itself instead of allowing his language to be powerfully jolted by the foreign language" (as cited in Venuti, 1995, p. 148). In Venuti's viewpoint, domestication, as a translation strategy proves to be culturally inappropriate as it erases any differences or peculiarities of a foreign text by maintaining the common and the familiar in the target language and discarding the unfamiliar and alien in the source language (Salim, 2010, p.11).

Paraphrase
Paraphrase is defined by Baker (1992) as "expressing the meaning of an item in other words because no match can be found in the (TL) or because of differences in stylistic preferences of the (SL) and (TL)" (p. 71-78). This is by far the most common way of translating idioms when a match cannot be found in the target language or when it seems inappropriate to use idiomatic language in the target text because of differences in stylistic preferences of the source and the target languages (Baker, 1992, p. 74-75). Among the advantages of this method is producing more accurate renderings due to the freedom allowed to the translator from being committed to idiomatic structures. Thus, whenever the two cultures and the languages in question are very different, paraphrasing tends to be the most acceptable strategy (Abu-Ssaydeh, 2004, p. 6).
"Paraphrase" creates a liberal, approximate translation of the SL. A translator is free from conforming to the grammatical structures of the SL. A translator is reliable enough to be liberal in handling the target text. Furthermore, a translator can produce more accurate renderings due to the freedom allowed to him/ her from being committed to idiomatic structures.

Discussion & Conclusion
The paper answers the questions revolving around the appropriate strategy as far as colour-related idiomatic expressions are concerned. Foreignisation and domestication can complement each other. While calque (i.e. loan translations) proves to be powerful in the translation of "colour terms" where a replica exists in the TL, paraphrase as a domestication-biased strategy proves to be powerful in translating poetic lines deeply-rooted in a culture where "colour-terms" are used idiomatically. In fact, "Paraphrase" helps the translated idiom produce its intended effect in the target language. Therefore, it is proved that the two translation strategies complement one another. To conclude, applying different translation strategies is one of the tools translators use to overcome translation problems.
The present study shows that "paraphrase" is a significant strategy when translating English colour-related idioms into Arabic due to the distant cultural backgrounds and the divergent historical affiliations of the two languages. Based on the above findings, this study argues that the field of translation studies should not be rent by dichotomies of the nature of domestication and foreignisation. The difficulty of translating culturally-bound expressions as colour-related idioms lies in the fact that they can be quite different across cultures and languages. So, the field of translation studies should exert an effort to enhance the performance of translators in order to bolster inter-cultural communication and the ability to appreciate diversity. This conviction is borne out by the argument raised earlier about the interrelationship between language, culture and translation.
If language were just a classification for a set of general or universal concepts, it would be easy to translate from any SL to any TL. In this regard, Culler (1976) believes that languages are not nomenclatures and the concepts of one language may differ radically from those of another since each language articulates or organises the world differently, and languages do not simply name categories; they articulate their own (p.21-2). The conclusion likely to be drawn from what Culler (1976) writes is that one of the troublesome problems of translation is the disparity among languages. The bigger the gap between the SL and the TL, the more difficult the transfer of a message between the two languages is.